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Socially divers category of people who identify with each other

An ethnic group or an ethnicity is a grouping of people who place with each other on the basis of shared attributes that distinguish them from other groups. Those attributes tin include common sets of traditions, ancestry, language, history, society, civilisation, nation, religion, or social handling within their residing area.^{[1] [2] [3]} Ethnicity is sometimes used interchangeably with the term nation, particularly in cases of indigenous nationalism, and is carve up from the related concept of races.

Ethnicity may be construed every bit an inherited or every bit a societally imposed construct. Ethnic membership tends to be defined by a shared cultural heritage, ancestry, origin myth, history, homeland, linguistic communication, or dialect, symbolic systems such as religion, mythology and ritual, cuisine, dressing style, art, or physical appearance. Ethnic groups may share a narrow or broad spectrum of genetic ancestry, depending on grouping identification, with many groups having mixed genetic ancestry.^{[4] [5] [6]} Ethnic groups frequently continue to speak related languages.

By way of language shift, acculturation, adoption and religious conversion, individuals or groups may over time shift from one ethnic group to another. Ethnic groups may be subdivided into subgroups or tribes, which over fourth dimension may become divide ethnic groups themselves due to endogamy or physical isolation from the parent group. Conversely, formerly separate ethnicities can merge to form a pan-ethnicity and may somewhen merge into one single ethnicity. Whether through division or affiliation, the formation of a separate ethnic identity is referred to equally ethnogenesis.

Although both organic and performative criteria characterise ethnic groups, debate in the past had dichotomised between primordialism and constructivism. Earlier twentieth century 'Primordialists' viewed indigenous groups as real phenomena whose distinct characteristics have endured since the distant past.^[7] Perspectives which adult after 1960s increasingly viewed ethnic groups as social constructs, with identity assigned by societal rules.^{[8] [ix]}

Terminology [edit]

The term indigenous is derived from the Greek discussion ἔθνος ethnos (more precisely, from the adjective ἐθνικός ethnikos,^[10] which was loaned into Latin as ethnicus). The inherited English language term for this concept is folk, used aslope the latinate people since the late Centre English period.

In Early Modernistic English language and until the mid-19th century, indigenous was used to hateful heathen or infidel (in the sense of disparate "nations" which did non yet participate in the Christian oikumene), as the Septuagint used ta ethne ("the nations") to translate the Hebrew goyim "the nations, non-Hebrews, non-Jews".^[11] The Greek term in early on artifact (Homeric Greek) could refer to any big grouping, a host of men, a ring of comrades too as a swarm or flock of animals. In Classical Greek, the term took on a meaning comparable to the concept now expressed by "ethnic grouping", mostly translated as "nation, people"; only in Hellenistic Greek did the term tend to become further narrowed to refer to "foreign" or "barbarous" nations in particular (whence the later meaning "heathen, pagan").^[12] In the 19th century, the term came to exist used in the sense of "peculiar to a race, people or nation", in a return to the original Greek meaning. The sense of "different cultural groups", and in American English "racial, cultural or national minority group" arises in the 1930s to 1940s,^[thirteen] serving as a replacement of the term race which had earlier taken this sense but was at present becoming deprecated due to its association with ideological racism. The abstract ethnicity had been used for "paganism" in the 18th century, but now came to express the significant of an "ethnic character" (outset recorded 1953). The term indigenous grouping was start recorded in 1935 and entered the Oxford English language Lexicon in 1972.^[xiv] Depending on context, the term nationality may be used either synonymously with ethnicity or synonymously with citizenship (in a sovereign state). The process that results in emergence of an ethnicity is called ethnogenesis, a term in use in ethnological literature since about 1950. The term may as well be used with the connotation of something exotic (cf. "ethnic restaurant", etc.), mostly related to cultures of more recent immigrants, who arrived after the dominant population of an surface area was established.

Depending on which source of group identity is emphasized to ascertain membership, the following types of (often mutually overlapping) groups can be identified:

• Ethno-linguistic, emphasizing shared linguistic communication, dialect (and possibly script) – example: French Canadians
• Ethno-national, emphasizing a shared polity or sense of national identity – example: Austrians
• Ethno-racial, emphasizing shared physical appearance based on phenotype  – case: African Americans
• Ethno-regional, emphasizing a singled-out local sense of belonging stemming from relative geographic isolation – example: South Islanders of New Zealand
• Ethno-religious, emphasizing shared affiliation with a item religion, denomination or sect – example: Jews
• Ethno-cultural, emphasizing shared civilisation or tradition, oftentimes overlapping with other forms of ethnicity – example: Travellers

In many cases, more ane aspect determines membership: for instance, Armenian ethnicity tin be defined past Armenian citizenship, native use of the Armenian language, or membership of the Armenian Apostolic Church building.

Definitions and conceptual history [edit]

Ethnography begins in classical artifact; after early on authors similar Anaximander and Hecataeus of Miletus, Herodotus laid the foundation of both historiography and ethnography of the ancient world c.  480 BC. The Greeks had adult a concept of their own "ethnicity", which they grouped under the proper noun of Hellenes. Herodotus (viii.144.2) gave a famous business relationship of what defined Greek (Hellenic) indigenous identity in his day, enumerating

1. shared descent (ὅμαιμον – homaimon, "of the same blood"),^[16]
2. shared language (ὁμόγλωσσον – homoglōsson, "speaking the same language"),^[17]
3. shared sanctuaries and sacrifices (Greek: θεῶν ἱδρύματά τε κοινὰ καὶ θυσίαι – theōn hidrumata te koina kai thusiai),^[18]
4. shared customs (Greek: ἤθεα ὁμότροπα – ēthea homotropa, "community of like style").^{[19] [xx] [21]}

Whether ethnicity qualifies as a cultural universal is to some extent dependent on the exact definition used. Many social scientists,^[22] such as anthropologists Fredrik Barth and Eric Wolf, practise not consider ethnic identity to be universal. They regard ethnicity every bit a product of specific kinds of inter-group interactions, rather than an essential quality inherent to human groups.^{[23] [ irrelevant commendation ]}

According to Thomas Hylland Eriksen, the written report of ethnicity was dominated by two distinct debates until recently.

• One is between "primordialism" and "instrumentalism". In the primordialist view, the participant perceives indigenous ties collectively, every bit an externally given, fifty-fifty coercive, social bail.^[24] The instrumentalist approach, on the other mitt, treats ethnicity primarily equally an ad hoc element of a political strategy, used as a resource for interest groups for achieving secondary goals such as, for instance, an increase in wealth, power, or status.^{[25] [26]} This fence is still an of import indicate of reference in Political science, although most scholars' approaches fall betwixt the two poles.^[27]
• The 2d debate is between "constructivism" and "essentialism". Constructivists view national and ethnic identities equally the product of historical forces, frequently recent, fifty-fifty when the identities are presented every bit erstwhile.^{[28] [29]} Essentialists view such identities as ontological categories defining social actors.^{[30] [31]}

Co-ordinate to Eriksen, these debates have been superseded, especially in anthropology, by scholars' attempts to respond to increasingly politicized forms of self-representation by members of different ethnic groups and nations. This is in the context of debates over multiculturalism in countries, such every bit the The states and Canada, which have large immigrant populations from many different cultures, and mail service-colonialism in the Caribbean and South asia.^[32]

Max Weber maintained that ethnic groups were künstlich (bogus, i.due east. a social construct) because they were based on a subjective belief in shared Gemeinschaft (community). Secondly, this conventionalities in shared Gemeinschaft did not create the grouping; the group created the conventionalities. 3rd, group germination resulted from the drive to monopolize ability and status. This was contrary to the prevailing naturalist belief of the time, which held that socio-cultural and behavioral differences betwixt peoples stemmed from inherited traits and tendencies derived from common descent, and then called "race".^[33]

Another influential theoretician of ethnicity was Fredrik Barth, whose "Indigenous Groups and Boundaries" from 1969 has been described as instrumental in spreading the usage of the term in social studies in the 1980s and 1990s.^[34] Barth went further than Weber in stressing the constructed nature of ethnicity. To Barth, ethnicity was perpetually negotiated and renegotiated by both external ascription and internal self-identification. Barth's view is that ethnic groups are not discontinuous cultural isolates or logical a priority to which people naturally vest. He wanted to part with anthropological notions of cultures as divisional entities, and ethnicity equally primordialist bonds, replacing it with a focus on the interface betwixt groups. "Ethnic Groups and Boundaries", therefore, is a focus on the interconnectedness of ethnic identities. Barth writes: "...chiselled ethnic distinctions do not depend on an absence of mobility, contact, and information, simply do entail social processes of exclusion and incorporation whereby detached categories are maintained despite changing participation and membership in the course of individual life histories."

In 1978, anthropologist Ronald Cohen claimed that the identification of "indigenous groups" in the usage of social scientists ofttimes reflected inaccurate labels more than indigenous realities:

... the named ethnic identities nosotros have, often unthinkingly, every bit bones givens in the literature are often arbitrarily, or even worse inaccurately, imposed.^[34]

In this style, he pointed to the fact that identification of an ethnic group by outsiders, e.m. anthropologists, may not coincide with the cocky-identification of the members of that group. He also described that in the first decades of usage, the term ethnicity had often been used in lieu of older terms such as "cultural" or "tribal" when referring to smaller groups with shared cultural systems and shared heritage, but that "ethnicity" had the added value of being able to draw the commonalities between systems of grouping identity in both tribal and mod societies. Cohen as well suggested that claims concerning "ethnic" identity (like earlier claims concerning "tribal" identity) are frequently colonialist practices and effects of the relations betwixt colonized peoples and nation-states.^[34]

According to Paul James, formations of identity were often inverse and distorted past colonization, but identities are non made out of nada:

Categorizations near identity, even when codified and hardened into clear typologies by processes of colonization, state formation or general modernizing processes, are ever full of tensions and contradictions. Sometimes these contradictions are destructive, but they can also be artistic and positive.^[35]

Social scientists accept thus focused on how, when, and why different markers of ethnic identity go salient. Thus, anthropologist Joan Vincent observed that indigenous boundaries often accept a mercurial character.^[36] Ronald Cohen concluded that ethnicity is "a series of nesting dichotomizations of inclusiveness and exclusiveness".^[34] He agrees with Joan Vincent's observation that (in Cohen'south paraphrase) "Ethnicity... can be narrowed or broadened in boundary terms in relation to the specific needs of political mobilization.^[34] This may exist why descent is sometimes a marker of ethnicity, and sometimes not: which diacritic of ethnicity is salient depends on whether people are scaling ethnic boundaries upward or downwardly, and whether they are scaling them upwards or down depends generally on the political situation.

Kanchan Chandra rejects the expansive definitions of ethnic identity (such as those that include common civilisation, common language, common history and common territory), choosing instead to define ethnic identity narrowly as a subset of identity categories determined by the belief of common descent.^[37] Jóhanna Birnir similarly defines ethnicity as "grouping self-identification around a characteristic that is very difficult or even impossible to change, such as language, race, or location."^[38]

Approaches to understanding ethnicity [edit]

Unlike approaches to understanding ethnicity have been used by different social scientists when trying to understand the nature of ethnicity as a factor in human being life and order. As Jonathan Chiliad. Hall observes, Globe State of war II was a turning indicate in ethnic studies. The consequences of Nazi racism discouraged essentialist interpretations of indigenous groups and race. Indigenous groups came to be defined as social rather than biological entities. Their coherence was attributed to shared myths, descent, kinship, a commonplace of origin, linguistic communication, religion, customs, and national graphic symbol. And so, ethnic groups are conceived equally mutable rather than stable, constructed in discursive practices rather than written in the genes.^[39]

Examples of diverse approaches are primordialism, essentialism, perennialism, constructivism, modernism, and instrumentalism.

• "Primordialism", holds that ethnicity has existed at all times of human history and that modern ethnic groups have historical continuity into the far past. For them, the thought of ethnicity is closely linked to the idea of nations and is rooted in the pre-Weber understanding of humanity equally being divided into primordially existing groups rooted by kinship and biological heritage.
  • "Essentialist primordialism" further holds that ethnicity is an a priori fact of homo existence, that ethnicity precedes any homo social interaction and that information technology is unchanged past it. This theory sees ethnic groups as natural, not just every bit historical. It also has problems dealing with the consequences of intermarriage, migration and colonization for the limerick of modern-solar day multi-indigenous societies.^[forty]
  • "Kinship primordialism" holds that ethnic communities are extensions of kinship units, basically being derived by kinship or clan ties where the choices of cultural signs (language, religion, traditions) are made exactly to show this biological analogousness. In this fashion, the myths of common biological ancestry that are a defining characteristic of ethnic communities are to be understood as representing actual biological history. A problem with this view on ethnicity is that it is more often than not the case that mythic origins of specific ethnic groups directly contradict the known biological history of an ethnic customs.^[40]
  • "Geertz's primordialism", notably espoused by anthropologist Clifford Geertz, argues that humans in general aspect an overwhelming power to primordial human "givens" such as blood ties, linguistic communication, territory, and cultural differences. In Geertz' opinion, ethnicity is not in itself primordial but humans perceive it as such because information technology is embedded in their experience of the world.^[forty]
• "Perennialism", an approach that is primarily concerned with nationhood but tends to run across nations and ethnic communities as basically the same miracle holds that the nation, every bit a type of social and political organization, is of an immemorial or "perennial" character.^[41] Smith (1999) distinguishes two variants: "continuous perennialism", which claims that particular nations have existed for very long periods, and "recurrent perennialism", which focuses on the emergence, dissolution and reappearance of nations as a recurring aspect of man history.^[42]
  • "Perpetual perennialism" holds that specific indigenous groups have existed continuously throughout history.
  • "Situational perennialism" holds that nations and ethnic groups emerge, change and vanish through the class of history. This view holds that the concept of ethnicity is a tool used by political groups to manipulate resource such as wealth, power, territory or condition in their particular groups' interests. Appropriately, ethnicity emerges when information technology is relevant equally a ways of furthering emergent collective interests and changes according to political changes in guild. Examples of a perennialist interpretation of ethnicity are also found in Barth and Seidner who encounter ethnicity every bit always-irresolute boundaries between groups of people established through ongoing social negotiation and interaction.
  • "Instrumentalist perennialism", while seeing ethnicity primarily as a versatile tool that identified dissimilar ethnics groups and limits through time, explains ethnicity equally a machinery of social stratification, meaning that ethnicity is the basis for a hierarchical organisation of individuals. According to Donald Noel, a sociologist who developed a theory on the origin of indigenous stratification, ethnic stratification is a "system of stratification wherein some relatively fixed group membership (e.g., race, religion, or nationality) is utilized as a major benchmark for assigning social positions".^[43] Ethnic stratification is ane of many unlike types of social stratification, including stratification based on socio-economic status, race, or gender. According to Donald Noel, indigenous stratification will sally only when specific ethnic groups are brought into contact with i another, and only when those groups are characterized by a high degree of ethnocentrism, contest, and differential power. Ethnocentrism is the trend to wait at the earth primarily from the perspective of ane's own civilisation, and to downgrade all other groups outside one'southward ain culture. Some sociologists, such as Lawrence Bobo and Vincent Hutchings, say the origin of ethnic stratification lies in individual dispositions of ethnic prejudice, which relates to the theory of ethnocentrism.^[44] Continuing with Noel's theory, some degree of differential power must be present for the emergence of ethnic stratification. In other words, an inequality of power amongst ethnic groups ways "they are of such diff power that 1 is able to impose its will upon another".^[43] In addition to differential power, a degree of competition structured forth ethnic lines is a prerequisite to ethnic stratification as well. The different ethnic groups must exist competing for some common goal, such every bit power or influence, or a material interest, such every bit wealth or territory. Lawrence Bobo and Vincent Hutchings advise that competition is driven by cocky-interest and hostility, and results in inevitable stratification and conflict.^[44]
• "Constructivism" sees both primordialist and perennialist views as basically flawed,^[44] and rejects the notion of ethnicity as a basic human status. It holds that indigenous groups are only products of human social interaction, maintained only in so far as they are maintained every bit valid social constructs in societies.
  • "Modernist constructivism" correlates the emergence of ethnicity with the move towards nation states beginning in the early modern period.^[45] Proponents of this theory, such as Eric Hobsbawm, fence that ethnicity and notions of ethnic pride, such every bit nationalism, are purely modern inventions, appearing but in the modern period of globe history. They hold that prior to this ethnic homogeneity was not considered an ideal or necessary factor in the forging of large-calibration societies.

Ethnicity is an important ways by which people may identify with a larger group. Many social scientists, such every bit anthropologists Fredrik Barth and Eric Wolf, do not consider ethnic identity to be universal. They regard ethnicity as a product of specific kinds of inter-group interactions, rather than an essential quality inherent to human groups.^[23] The process that results in emergence of such identification is chosen ethnogenesis. Members of an indigenous group, on the whole, claim cultural continuities over time, although historians and cultural anthropologists have documented that many of the values, practices, and norms that imply continuity with the past are of relatively recent invention.^{[46] [47]}

Indigenous groups tin can grade a cultural mosaic in a society. That could be in a city like New York City or Trieste, but also the fallen monarchy of the Austro-hungarian empire or the United States. Current topics are in particular social and cultural differentiation, multilingualism, competing identity offers, multiple cultural identities and the formation of Salad bowl and melting pot.^{[48] [49] [50] [51]} Ethnic groups differ from other social groups, such equally subcultures, interest groups or social classes, because they emerge and modify over historical periods (centuries) in a process known equally ethnogenesis, a period of several generations of endogamy resulting in common beginnings (which is then sometimes cast in terms of a mythological narrative of a founding effigy); indigenous identity is reinforced by reference to "boundary markers" – characteristics said to exist unique to the grouping which set it autonomously from other groups.^{[52] [53] [54] [55] [56] [57]}

Ethnicity theory in the United States [edit]

Ethnicity theory argues that race is a social category and is but 1 of several factors in determining ethnicity. Other criteria include "religion, language, 'customs', nationality, and political identification".^[58] This theory was put forward past sociologist Robert E. Park in the 1920s. Information technology is based on the notion of "civilization".

This theory was preceded by more than 100 years during which biological essentialism was the dominant paradigm on race. Biological essentialism is the belief that some races, specifically white Europeans in western versions of the paradigm, are biologically superior and other races, specifically non-white races in western debates, are inherently inferior. This view arose equally a style to justify enslavement of African Americans and genocide of Native Americans in a gild that was officially founded on freedom for all. This was a notion that developed slowly and came to exist a preoccupation with scientists, theologians, and the public. Religious institutions asked questions most whether in that location had been multiple creations of races (polygenesis) and whether God had created lesser races. Many of the foremost scientists of the time took up the idea of racial difference and found that white Europeans were superior.^[59]

The ethnicity theory was based on the assimilation model. Park outlined 4 steps to assimilation: contact, conflict, accommodation, and assimilation. Instead of attributing the marginalized condition of people of colour in the United States to their inherent biological inferiority, he attributed it to their failure to digest into American culture. They could get equal if they abandoned their junior cultures.

Michael Omi and Howard Winant's theory of racial germination direct confronts both the premises and the practices of ethnicity theory. They argue in Racial Formation in the United States that the ethnicity theory was exclusively based on the immigration patterns of the white population and did take into account the unique experiences of not-whites in the Usa.^[60] While Park'due south theory identified different stages in the immigration process – contact, conflict, struggle, and equally the last and best response, assimilation – it did so only for white communities.^[threescore] The ethnicity paradigm neglected the ways in which race can complicate a community's interactions with social and political structures, especially upon contact.

Assimilation – shedding the detail qualities of a native culture for the purpose of blending in with a host culture – did not piece of work for some groups as a response to racism and discrimination, though it did for others.^[60] Once the legal barriers to achieving equality had been dismantled, the problem of racism became the sole responsibility of already disadvantaged communities.^[61] Information technology was assumed that if a Blackness or Latino community was not "making it" by the standards that had been gear up by whites, it was because that community did not hold the right values or beliefs, or were stubbornly resisting dominant norms considering they did not desire to fit in. Omi and Winant's critique of ethnicity theory explains how looking to cultural defect as the source of inequality ignores the "physical sociopolitical dynamics within which racial phenomena operate in the U.S."^[62] Information technology prevents critical examination of the structural components of racism and encourages a "benign neglect" of social inequality.^[62]

Ethnicity and nationality [edit]

In some cases, peculiarly involving transnational migration or colonial expansion, ethnicity is linked to nationality. Anthropologists and historians, following the modernist understanding of ethnicity equally proposed by Ernest Gellner^[63] and Benedict Anderson^[64] encounter nations and nationalism equally developing with the rise of the mod state organization in the 17th century. They culminated in the rise of "nation-states" in which the presumptive boundaries of the nation coincided (or ideally coincided) with state boundaries. Thus, in the Due west, the notion of ethnicity, like race and nation, developed in the context of European colonial expansion, when mercantilism and capitalism were promoting global movements of populations at the same time state boundaries were being more conspicuously and rigidly defined.

In the 19th century, modern states more often than not sought legitimacy through their claim to correspond "nations". Nation-states, however, invariably include populations who have been excluded from national life for ane reason or another. Members of excluded groups, consequently, will either demand inclusion based on equality or seek autonomy, sometimes even to the extent of complete political separation in their nation-state.^[65] Nether these conditionswhen people moved from one country to another,^[66] or one land conquered or colonized peoples beyond its national boundaries – ethnic groups were formed by people who identified with 1 nation, but lived in another country.

Multi-ethnic states tin exist the event of two opposite events, either the recent creation of state borders at variance with traditional tribal territories, or the recent immigration of ethnic minorities into a former nation-state. Examples for the offset case are found throughout Africa, where countries created during decolonization inherited arbitrary colonial borders, but also in European countries such every bit Kingdom of belgium or Uk. Examples for the second case are countries such as Netherlands, which were relatively ethnically homogeneous when they attained statehood just have received significant immigration in the 17th century and even more so in the 2nd half of the 20th century. States such equally the United Kingdom, France and Switzerland comprised distinct ethnic groups from their germination and have as well experienced substantial clearing, resulting in what has been termed "multicultural" societies, specially in large cities.

The states of the New Earth were multi-ethnic from the onset, as they were formed equally colonies imposed on existing ethnic populations.

In recent decades feminist scholars (near notably Nira Yuval-Davis)^[67] have fatigued attention to the fundamental ways in which women participate in the creation and reproduction of ethnic and national categories. Though these categories are ordinarily discussed as belonging to the public, political sphere, they are upheld within the individual, family unit sphere to a great extent.^[68] It is hither that women human action not but as biological reproducers simply too equally "cultural carriers", transmitting cognition and enforcing behaviors that belong to a specific collectivity.^[69] Women likewise ofttimes play a pregnant symbolic role in conceptions of nation or ethnicity, for example in the notion that "women and children" institute the kernel of a nation which must exist defended in times of disharmonize, or in iconic figures such as Britannia or Marianne.

Ethnicity and race [edit]

Ethnicity is used every bit a affair of cultural identity of a group, oftentimes based on shared beginnings, language, and cultural traditions, while race is applied as a taxonomic grouping, based on physical similarities amid groups. Race is a more than controversial bailiwick than ethnicity, due to common political utilise of the term. Ramón Grosfoguel (University of California, Berkeley) argues that "racial/ethnic identity" is 1 concept and concepts of race and ethnicity cannot be used as separate and democratic categories.^[70]

Before Weber (1864–1920), race and ethnicity were primarily seen as two aspects of the same thing. Around 1900 and before, the primordialist understanding of ethnicity predominated: cultural differences betwixt peoples were seen as beingness the result of inherited traits and tendencies.^[71] With Weber'southward introduction of the thought of ethnicity every bit a social construct, race and ethnicity became more divided from each other.

In 1950, the UNESCO statement "The Race Question", signed by some of the internationally renowned scholars of the time (including Ashley Montagu, Claude Lévi-Strauss, Gunnar Myrdal, Julian Huxley, etc.), said:

National, religious, geographic, linguistic and cultural groups do not necessarily coincide with racial groups: and the cultural traits of such groups have no demonstrated genetic connection with racial traits. Considering serious errors of this kind are habitually committed when the term "race" is used in popular parlance, it would be better when speaking of human races to drib the term "race" birthday and speak of "ethnic groups".^[72]

In 1982, anthropologist David Craig Griffith summed up forty years of ethnographic inquiry, arguing that racial and ethnic categories are symbolic markers for different means people from different parts of the world have been incorporated into a global economy:

The opposing interests that dissever the working classes are farther reinforced through appeals to "racial" and "ethnic" distinctions. Such appeals serve to allocate different categories of workers to rungs on the scale of labor markets, relegating stigmatized populations to the lower levels and insulating the higher echelons from competition from below. Capitalism did not create all the distinctions of ethnicity and race that office to set off categories of workers from ane another. It is, nevertheless, the process of labor mobilization nether commercialism that imparts to these distinctions their effective values.^[73]

According to Wolf, racial categories were synthetic and incorporated during the menstruum of European mercantile expansion, and ethnic groupings during the catamenia of capitalist expansion.^[74]

Writing in 1977 about the usage of the term "ethnic" in the ordinary language of Keen United kingdom and the United states of america, Wallman noted

The term "ethnic" popularly connotes "[race]" in United kingdom of great britain and northern ireland, only less precisely, and with a lighter value load. In North America, by dissimilarity, "[race]" most commonly means color, and "ethnics" are the descendants of relatively recent immigrants from not-English language-speaking countries. "[Indigenous]" is non a substantive in U.k.. In effect there are no "ethnics"; there are but "ethnic relations".^[75]

In the U.South., the OMB says the definition of race as used for the purposes of the US Demography is non "scientific or anthropological" and takes into business relationship "social and cultural characteristics as well equally beginnings", using "advisable scientific methodologies" that are non "primarily biological or genetic in reference".^[76]

Ethno-national disharmonize [edit]

Sometimes indigenous groups are discipline to prejudicial attitudes and deportment by the state or its constituents. In the 20th century, people began to debate that conflicts among ethnic groups or betwixt members of an ethnic group and the state tin can and should be resolved in one of two means. Some, like Jürgen Habermas and Bruce Barry, take argued that the legitimacy of mod states must be based on a notion of political rights of autonomous individual subjects. According to this view, the state should not admit ethnic, national or racial identity but rather instead enforce political and legal equality of all individuals. Others, like Charles Taylor and Volition Kymlicka, argue that the notion of the autonomous individual is itself a cultural construct. According to this view, states must recognize ethnic identity and develop processes through which the particular needs of ethnic groups can be accommodated within the boundaries of the nation-state.

The 19th century saw the evolution of the political ideology of ethnic nationalism, when the concept of race was tied to nationalism, first by German theorists including Johann Gottfried von Herder. Instances of societies focusing on ethnic ties, arguably to the exclusion of history or historical context, have resulted in the justification of nationalist goals. Two periods frequently cited as examples of this are the 19th-century consolidation and expansion of the German language Empire and the 20th century Nazi Germany. Each promoted the pan-ethnic thought that these governments were acquiring just lands that had always been inhabited by ethnic Germans. The history of late-comers to the nation-land model, such as those arising in the Virtually Eastward and south-eastern Europe out of the dissolution of the Ottoman and Austro-Hungarian Empires, too as those arising out of the old USSR, is marked by inter-ethnic conflicts. Such conflicts ordinarily occur within multi-indigenous states, as opposed to betwixt them, as in other regions of the world. Thus, the conflicts are often misleadingly labeled and characterized as civil wars when they are inter-ethnic conflicts in a multi-ethnic state.

Ethnic groups by continent [edit]

Africa [edit]

Ethnic groups in Africa number in the hundreds, each by and large having its ain language (or dialect of a language) and culture.

Asia [edit]

Ethnic groups are abundant throughout Asia, with adaptations to the climate zones of Asia, which can exist the Chill, subarctic, temperate, subtropical or tropical. The ethnic groups have adapted to mountains, deserts, grasslands, and forests.

On the coasts of Asia, the ethnic groups have adopted various methods of harvest and transport. Some groups are primarily hunter-gatherers, some practice transhumance (nomadic lifestyle), others have been agrestal/rural for millennia and others becoming industrial/urban. Some groups/countries of Asia are completely urban, such as those in Hong Kong, Shanghai, and Singapore. The colonization of Asia was largely concluded in the 20th century, with national drives for independence and self-decision across the continent.

In Indonesia alone, in that location are more than 1,300 ethnic groups recognized by the authorities, which are located on 17,000 islands in the Indonesian archipelago

Russia has more than 185 recognized ethnic groups besides the eighty percent indigenous Russian bulk. The largest group is the Tatars, iii.8 percentage. Many of the smaller groups are constitute in the Asian role of Russia (see Indigenous peoples of Siberia).

Europe [edit]

The Basque people found an ethnic ethnic minority in both France and Kingdom of spain.

The Irish are an indigenous group indigenous to Ireland of which lxx–80 million people worldwide merits beginnings.^[77]

Europe has a large number of ethnic groups; Pan and Pfeil (2004) count 87 distinct "peoples of Europe", of which 33 course the majority population in at to the lowest degree 1 sovereign land, while the remaining 54 constitute ethnic minorities inside every state they inhabit (although they may course local regional majorities inside a sub-national entity). The total number of national minority populations in Europe is estimated at 105 million people or 14% of 770 million Europeans.^[78]

A number of European countries, including France^[79] and Switzerland, exercise non collect information on the ethnicity of their resident population.

An case of a largely nomadic indigenous group in Europe is the Roma, pejoratively known equally Gypsies. They originated from Bharat and speak the Romani language.

The Serbian province of Vojvodina is recognizable for its multi-ethnic and multi-cultural identity.^{[80] [81]} There are some 26 indigenous groups in the province,^[82] and 6 languages are in official use by the provincial administration.^[83]

North America [edit]

The indigenous people in N America are Native Americans. During European colonization, Europeans arrived in North America. Near Native Americans died due to Castilian diseases and other European diseases such as smallpox during the European colonization of the Americas. The largest ethnic group in the United States is White Americans. Hispanic and Latino Americans (Mexican Americans in particular) and Asian Americans have immigrated to the United States recently. In Mexico, most Mexicans are mestizo, a mixture of Spanish and Native American ancestry. Some Hispanic and Latino Americans living in the United States are not mestizos.^{[ citation needed ]}

African slaves were brought to N America from the 16th to 19th centuries. In the U.s.a., their descendants are called African Americans.

A sizeable amount of people in the United States have mixed-race identities. In 2021, the number of Americans who identified as non-Hispanic and more than one race was 13.five million. The number of Hispanic Americans who identified as multiracial was 20.3 one thousand thousand.^[84] Over the class of the 2010s decade, there was a 127% increment in non-Hispanic Americans who identified equally multiracial.^[84]

Southward America [edit]

In South America, most people are mixed-race (mostly mulatto and mestizo), indigenous and European (especially of Spanish or Portuguese ancestry).

Oceania [edit]

Almost all states in Oceania have majority indigenous populations, with notable exceptions being Commonwealth of australia, New Zealand and Norfolk Island, who have majority European populations.^[85] States with smaller European populations include Guam, Hawaii and New Caledonia (whose Europeans are known equally Caldoche).^{[86] [87]} Indigenous peoples of Oceania are Australian Aboriginals, Austronesians and Papuans, and they originated from Asia.^[88] The Austronesians of Oceania are further broken up into three singled-out groups; Melanesians, Micronesians and Polynesians.

Oceanic Pacific islands nearing Latin America were uninhabited when discovered by Europeans in the 16th century, with nothing to bespeak prehistoric homo activeness by Ethnic Americans or Indigenous Oceanians.^{[89] [90] [91]} Gimmicky residents are mainly mestizos and Europeans from the Latin American countries whom administer them,^{[92] [93]} although none of these islands take all-encompassing populations.^[94] Easter Island are the only oceanic island politically associated with Latin America to have an indigenous population, the Polynesian Rapa Nui people.^[95] Their electric current inhabitants include indigenous Polynesians and mestizo settlers from political administrators Chile, in addition to mixed-race individuals with Polynesian and mestizo/European ancestry.^[95] The British overseas territory of Pitcairn Islands, to the w of Easter Island, have a population of approximately 50 people. They are mixed-race Euronesians who descended from an initial group of British and Tahitian settlers in the 18th century. The islands were previously inhabited past Polynesians; they had long abandoned Pitcairn by the time the settlers had arrived.^[96] Norfolk Island, now an external territory of Australia, is as well believed to take been inhabited by Polynesians prior to its initial European discovery in the 18th century. Some of their residents are descended from mixed-race Pitcairn Islanders that were relocated onto Norfolk due to overpopulation in 1856.^[97]

The one time uninhabited Bonin Islands, afterwards politically integrated into Japan, accept a minor population consisting of Japanese mainlanders and descendants of early on European settlers.^[95] Archeological findings from the 1990s suggested at that place was possible prehistoric man activeness by Micronesians prior to European discovery in the 16th century.^[98]

Several political entities associated with Oceania are nonetheless uninhabited, including Baker Island, Clipperton Island, Howland Isle and Jarvis Isle.^{[99] [100]} In that location were cursory attempts to settle Clipperton with Mexicans and Jarvis with Native Hawaiians in the early on 20th century. The Jarvis settlers were relocated from the island due to Japanese advancements during World State of war 2, while almost of the settlers on Clipperton ended up dying from starvation and murdering i and other.^{[101] [99]}

Australia [edit]

The starting time evident ethnic group to live in Australia were the Australian Aboriginals, a group considered related to the Melanesian Torres Strait Islander people. Europeans, primarily from England arrived first in 1770.

The 2022 Census shows England and New Zealand are the next most mutual countries of nascence afterwards Australia, the proportion of people born in Prc and India has increased since 2011 (from six.0 per cent to eight.3 per cent, and 5.6 per cent to 7.iv per cent, respectively).

The proportion of people identifying every bit beingness of Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander origin increased from 2.five per cent of the Australian population in 2011 to ii.8 per cent in 2016.

See likewise [edit]

• Ancestor
• Clan
• Diaspora
• Ethnic cleansing
• Indigenous flag
• Ethnic nationalism
• Ethnic penalty
• Ethnocentrism
• Ethnocultural empathy
• Ethnogenesis
• Ethnocide
• Ethnographic grouping
• Genealogy
• Genetic genealogy
• Homeland
• Homo Genome Diverseness Projection
• Identity politics
• Ingroups and outgroups
• Intersectionality
• Kinship
• List of contemporary ethnic groups
• List of indigenous peoples
• Meta-ethnicity
• Minority grouping
• Multiculturalism
• Nation
• National symbol
• Passing (sociology)
• Polyethnicity
• Population genetics
• Race (human categorization)
• Race and ethnicity in censuses
• Race and ethnicity in the United States Census
• Race and health
• Segmentary lineage
• Stateless nation
• Tribe
• Y-chromosome haplogroups in populations of the globe

References [edit]

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2. ^ "ethnicity: definition of ethnicity". Oxford Dictionaries. Oxford University Press. Retrieved 28 Dec 2013.
3. ^ People, James; Bailey, Garrick (2010). Humanity: An Introduction to Cultural Anthropology (9th ed.). Wadsworth Cengage learning. p. 389. In essence, an indigenous group is a named social category of people based on perceptions of shared social experience or one's ancestors' experiences. Members of the ethnic group see themselves every bit sharing cultural traditions and history that distinguish them from other groups. Ethnic group identity has a potent psychological or emotional component that divides the people of the world into opposing categories of 'us' and 'them'. In contrast to social stratification, which divides and unifies people forth a serial of horizontal axes based on socioeconomic factors, ethnic identities split and unify people along a serial of vertical axes. Thus, ethnic groups, at to the lowest degree theoretically, cut across socioeconomic class differences, drawing members from all strata of the population.
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    a[djective]

    ...

    2.a. About race; peculiar to a race or nation; ethnological. Too, most or having common racial, cultural, religious, or linguistic characteristics, esp. designating a racial or other group within a larger organization; hence (U.S. colloq.), strange, exotic.

    b indigenous minority (group), a grouping of people differentiated from the residual of the customs by racial origins or cultural background, and usu. claiming or enjoying official recognition of their group identity. Also attrib.

    n[oun]

    ...

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Farther reading [edit]

• Abizadeh, Arash, "Ethnicity, Race, and a Possible Humanity" Earth Lodge, 33.i (2001): 23–34. (Article that explores the social structure of ethnicity and race.)
• Barth, Fredrik (ed). Ethnic groups and boundaries. The social organisation of civilization difference, Oslo: Universitetsforlaget, 1969
• Bristles, David and Kenneth Gloag. 2005. Musicology, The Fundamental Concepts. London and New York: Routledge.
• Billinger, Michael S. (2007), "Some other Wait at Ethnicity as a Biological Concept: Moving Anthropology Beyond the Race Concept", Critique of Anthropology 27, 1:v–35.
• Craig, Gary, et al., eds. Understanding 'race'and ethnicity: theory, history, policy, exercise (Policy Press, 2012)
• Danver, Steven L. Native Peoples of the World: An Encyclopedia of Groups, Cultures and Gimmicky Issues (2012)
• Eriksen, Thomas Hylland (1993) Ethnicity and Nationalism: Anthropological Perspectives, London: Pluto Press
• Eysenck, H.J., Race, Didactics and Intelligence (London: Temple Smith, 1971) (ISBN 0-85117-009-ix)
• Healey, Joseph F., and Eileen O'Brien. Race, ethnicity, gender, and course: The folklore of grouping conflict and change (Sage Publications, 2014)
• Hartmann, Douglas. "Notes on Midnight Basketball and the Cultural Politics of Recreation, Race and At-Risk Urban Youth", Journal of Sport and Social Problems. 25 (2001): 339–366.
• Hobsbawm, Eric, and Terence Ranger, editors, The Invention of Tradition. (Cambridge: Cambridge Academy Printing, 1983).
• Hutcheon, Linda (1998). "Crypto-Ethnicity" (PDF). PMLA: Publications of the Modern Language Clan of America. 113 (1): 28–51. doi:ten.2307/463407. JSTOR 463407.
• Kappeler, Andreas. The Russian empire: A multi-ethnic history (Routledge, 2014)
• Levinson, David, Ethnic Groups Worldwide: A Ready Reference Handbook, Greenwood Publishing Group (1998), ISBN 978-one-57356-019-1.
• Magocsi, Paul Robert, ed. Encyclopedia of Canada's Peoples (1999)
• Merriam, A.P. 1959. "African Music", in R. Bascom and, M.J. Herskovits (eds), Continuity and Change in African Cultures, Chicago, Academy of Chicago Press.
• Morales-Díaz, Enrique; Gabriel Aquino; & Michael Sletcher, "Ethnicity", in Michael Sletcher, ed., New England, (Westport, CT, 2004).
• Omi, Michael; Winant, Howard (1986). Racial Formation in the United States from the 1960s to the 1980s . New York: Routledge and Kegan Paul, Inc.
• Seeger, A. 1987. Why Suyá Sing: A Musical Anthropology of an Amazonian People, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press.
• Seidner, Stanley S. Ethnicity, Linguistic communication, and Power from a Psycholinguistic Perspective. (Bruxelles: Middle de recherche sur le pluralinguisme1982).
• Sider, Gerald, Lumbee Indian Histories (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993).
• Smith, Anthony D. (1987). "The Ethnic Origins of Nations". Blackwell.
• Smith, Anthony D. (1998). Nationalism and modernism. A Critical Survey of Contempo Theories of Nations and Nationalism. London; New York: Routledge.
• Smith, Anthony D. (1999). "Myths and memories of the Nation". Oxford Academy Press.
• Steele, Liza G.; Bostic, Amie; Lynch, Scott Yard.; Abdelaaty, Lamis (2022). "Measuring Indigenous Variety". Annual Review of Sociology. 48 (one).
• Thernstrom, Stephan A. ed. Harvard Encyclopedia of American Indigenous Groups (1981)
• ^ U.Southward. Census Bureau State & County QuickFacts: Race.

External links [edit]

• Ethnicity at Curlie
• Ethnicity
• American Psychological Clan'south Office of Ethnic Minority Affairs
• Indigenous Ability Relations (EPR) Atlas
• List of indigenous groups past state

chidesterdaris1967.blogspot.com

Source: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ethnic_group

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